拜登政府对华关系主要成员

欣怡，中华研究所

美国务卿安东尼•布林肯

国务卿安东尼•约翰•布林肯（Antony John Blinken）生于1962年4月16日美国纽约州纽约市，民主党政党，配偶埃文•瑞安（Evan Ryan），哈佛大学教育学士，哥伦比亚大学法学博士（JD）。曾于2015年至2017年担任美国副国务卿，并于2013年至2015年担任巴拉克•奥巴马（Barack Obama）总统期间的副国家安全顾问。

他曾在战略与国际研究中心担任高级研究员，美国参议院外交关系委员会民主党参谋长（2002-2008年），以及奥巴马-拜登总统过渡时期的成员，自2008年11月至2009年1月，以及其他职位。

从2009年到2013年，布林肯担任总统副助理和副总统国家安全顾问。从2002年到2008年，他担任美国参议院外交关系委员会的民主党参谋长。从2001年到2002年，Blinken担任战略与国际研究中心的高级研究员。在克林顿政府任职期间，布林根曾在国务院和国家安全委员会工作人员中担任高级职务。

2014年11月7日，奥巴马总统宣布将提名布林肯担任副秘书一职，以取代即将退休的威廉•约瑟夫•伯恩斯。2014年12月16日，参议院以55票对38票的投票结果确认了布林肯为副国务卿。他现在是CNN的全球事务分析师，拜登主要智囊成员。

2021年1月26日，由拜登提名，经两院投票通过，正式担任拜登政府国务卿。布林肯作为美国资深政府官员和外交官，自2021年1月26日起担任美国第71届国务卿。

在克林顿政府任职期间，布林肯（Blinken）在1994年至2001年期间曾在国务院和国家安全委员会的高级职位上任职。他在2001年至2002年期间担任战略与国际研究中心的高级研究员。他倡导2003年入侵伊拉克在2002年至2008年期间担任参议院外交关系委员会的民主党参谋长。他曾为乔•拜登（Joe Biden）在2008年总统竞选失败中担任外交政策顾问，然后为奥巴马-拜登总统的过渡提供了建议。

从2009年到2013年，布林肯担任总统的副助理和副总统的国家安全顾问。后来，他于2013年至2015年担任国家安全副顾问，并于2015年至2017年担任美国副国务卿。在奥巴马政府任职期间，他帮助制定了美国关于阿富汗，巴基斯坦和伊朗核计划的政策。

布林肯也曾进入了私营部门，与人共同创立了一家咨询公司WestExec Advisors。

布林根成长于纽约的扬克斯，与犹太父母朱迪思（弗雷姆）和前美国驻匈牙利大使唐纳德•M•布林肯（Donald M. Blinken）出生。他的外祖父母是匈牙利犹太人。布林肯的叔叔艾伦•布林肯（Alan Blinken）担任美国驻比利时大使。他的祖父莫里斯•亨利•布林肯（Maurice Henry Blinken）是以色列的早期支持者，他研究了以色列的经济生存能力。

Blinken一直在纽约市的道尔顿学校上学，直到1971年。然后他与母亲朱迪思（Judith）和律师塞缪尔•皮萨尔（Samuel Pisar）移居巴黎，她与唐纳德（Donald）离婚后结婚。在他的确认听证会上，布林肯讲述了他的继父的故事。继父是他波兰学校900名孩子的唯一大屠杀幸存者，他从纳粹死亡行军闯入森林后在美国的一辆坦克中避难。在巴黎，布林肯参加了ÉcoleJeannine Manuel。

布林肯从1980年至1984年就读于哈佛大学，在那里他主修社会研究，并与他人合着了《哈佛绯红色》的每周美术杂志。布林肯还为绯红色写了许多有关时事的文章。眨眼从哈佛大学毕业后，他在新共和国工作了大约一年。他于1985年进入哥伦比亚大学法学院，并于1988年获得法学博士学位。毕业后，他在纽约市和巴黎从事法律工作。布林肯与父亲唐纳德（Donald Donald）合作，为1988年美国总统大选中的民主党候选人迈克尔•杜卡基斯（Michael Dukakis）筹集资金。

在他的专着《同盟与同盟：美国，欧洲和西伯利亚管道危机》（1987年）中，布林肯认为，在西伯利亚管道危机期间对苏联施加外交压力对美国利益而言没有比维持美国与美国之间牢固的关系重要。欧洲。 Ally vs Ally是基于布林肯的本科论文。

Antony John Blinken (born April 16, 1962) is an American government official and diplomat serving as the 71st United States secretary of state since January 26, 2021. He previously served as deputy national security advisor from 2013 to 2015 and deputy secretary of state from 2015 to 2017 under President Barack Obama.

During the Clinton administration, Blinken served in the State Department and in senior positions on the National Security Council from 1994 to 2001. He was a senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies from 2001 to 2002. He advocated for the 2003 invasion of Iraq while serving as the Democratic Staff Director of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee from 2002 to 2008. He was a foreign policy advisor for Joe Biden's unsuccessful 2008 presidential campaign, before advising the Obama–Biden presidential transition.

From 2009 to 2013, Blinken served as Deputy Assistant to the President and National Security Advisor to the Vice President. He later served as Deputy National Security Advisor from 2013 to 2015 and Deputy Secretary of State from 2015 to 2017. During his tenure in the Obama administration, he helped craft U.S. policy on Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the nuclear program of Iran.After leaving government service, Blinken moved into the private sector, co-founding WestExec Advisors, a consulting firm.

Blinken was born on April 16, 1962, in Yonkers, New York, to Jewish parents, Judith (Frehm) and Donald M. Blinken, the former United States Ambassador to Hungary. His maternal grandparents were Hungarian Jews. Blinken's uncle, Alan Blinken, served as the American ambassador to Belgium. His paternal grandfather, Maurice Henry Blinken, was an early backer of Israel who studied its economic viability.

Blinken attended the Dalton School in New York City until 1971. He then moved to Paris with his mother Judith and attorney Samuel Pisar, whom she married following her divorce from Donald. In his confirmation hearing, Blinken told the story of his step-father, who was the only Holocaust survivor of the 900 children of his Polish school, who had found refuge in a US tank after making a break into the forest from a Nazi death march In Paris, Blinken attended École Jeannine Manuel.

Blinken attended Harvard University from 1980 to 1984, where he majored in social studies and co-edited the weekly art magazine of The Harvard Crimson. Blinken also wrote a number of articles on current affairs for the Crimson. Blinken worked as an intern for The New Republic for around a year after graduating from Harvard. He entered Columbia Law School in 1985 and earned his J.D. in 1988. After graduation, he practiced law in New York City and Paris. Blinken worked with his father Donald to raise funds for Michael Dukakis, the Democratic nominee in the 1988 United States presidential election.

In his monograph Ally versus Ally: America, Europe, and the Siberian Pipeline Crisis (1987), Blinken argued that exerting diplomatic pressure on the Soviet Union during the Siberian pipeline crisis was less significant for American interests than maintaining strong relations between the United States and Europe. Ally versus Ally was based on Blinken's undergraduate thesis.

杰克•沙利文（Jake Sullivan）国家安全顾问

杰克•沙利文，1976年11月28日出生于美国佛蒙特州伯灵顿，民主党政党，配偶玛格丽特•古兰德，教育耶鲁大学（法学士，法学博士），牛津玛格达琳学院博士（MPhil）。他是美国政策制定者，曾是希拉里•克林顿（Hillary Clinton）2016年美国总统大选竞选活动的高级政策顾问，在希拉里•克林顿（Hillary Clinton）领导的美国政府担任美国国家安全顾问。

目前，沙利文是达特茅斯学院的蒙哥马利研究员，也是卡西公共政策学院的高级研究员和公共政策硕士。沙利文还是美国政府负责伊朗核谈判的高级顾问，也是耶鲁法学院的客座教授。

在耶鲁大学任教之前，沙利文曾在奥巴马政府任职，担任总统副助理兼美国副总统乔•拜登的国家安全顾问。他曾担任美国国务院的政策规划主任，以及美国国务卿希拉里•克林顿（Hillary Clinton）的副参谋长。在此之前，他是希拉里•克林顿（Hillary Clinton）2008年总统大选的副政策总监，也是巴拉克•奥巴马（Barack Obama）大选竞选辩论准备小组的成员。现在，是拜登政府国家安全顾问，及外交政策主要幕僚。

沙利文是拜登政府的国家安全顾问。他曾担任希拉里•克林顿（Hillary Clinton）2016年总统竞选活动的高级政策顾问，负责为克林顿制定国内外政策。沙利文还曾在克林顿（Clinton）担任国务院的最高助手，并在奥巴马政府期间担任当时的副总统乔•拜登（Joe Biden）的国家安全顾问。 耶鲁大学法学院毕业生，罗得岛大学学者沙利文（Sullivan）担任最高法院大法官斯蒂芬•布雷耶（Stephen Breyer）的文书。

沙利文于1998年获得耶鲁大学政治科学学士学位后，以罗德学者和耶鲁大学法学院的身份就读牛津大学。他曾在明尼阿波利斯的律师事务所Faegre＆Benson担任合伙人，并在圣托马斯大学法学院任教。他还为第二巡回上诉法院的吉多•卡拉布雷西（Guido Calabresi）和最高法院大法官斯蒂芬•布雷耶（Stephen Breyer）担任书记员。 在加入克林顿2008年总统大选之前，沙利文还曾在参议员艾米•克洛布查（D-Minn。）的办公室担任高级政策顾问和首席顾问。他的早期竞选经验包括为众议员马丁•萨博（D-Minn。）实习，为Paul Wellstone（D-Minn。）

2002年美国参议院竞选工作，并非正式地帮助Klobuchar于2006年在美国参议院竞选。 2008年，沙利文担任克林顿（Clinton）总统竞选活动的副政策总监。沙利文还是外交政策和国家安全问题的顾问，他帮助塑造了她的早期信息：“在她的丈夫执政期间，她的经验包括在北爱尔兰和科索沃等外交政策问题上的贡献。在克林顿竞购失败之后在获得民主党提名后，沙利文加入了当时的参议员巴拉克•奥巴马（D）竞选活动，帮助奥巴马为辩论做准备，他在克林顿竞选活动中也曾担任过这一角色。

Jake Sullivan is the national security advisor designate for the Biden administration. He worked as a senior policy advisor for Hillary Clinton's 2016 presidential campaign, responsible for crafting both foreign and domestic policy for Clinton. Sullivan also served with Clinton as a top aide in the State Department and a national security advisor to then-Vice President Joe Biden during the Obama administration.
Sullivan, a Yale Law graduate and Rhodes scholar, clerked for Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer.

After receiving an undergraduate degree in political science from Yale in 1998, Sullivan attended Oxford University as a Rhodes scholar and Yale Law School. He worked as an associate with Minneapolis-based law firm Faegre & Benson and taught at the University of St. Thomas Law School. He also clerked for Guido Calabresi of the Second Circuit Court of Appeals and Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer.

Before joining Clinton's 2008 presidential campaign, Sullivan also worked in the office of Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.) as a senior policy advisor and chief counsel.[4][5] His early campaign experience included interning for Rep. Martin Sabo (D-Minn.), working on Paul Wellstone's (D-Minn.) 2002 U.S. Senate campaign, and informally helping Klobuchar's 2006 U.S. Senate campaign.

In 2008, Sullivan joined Clinton's presidential campaign as her deputy policy director. Sullivan was also an advisor on issues of foreign policy and national security, and he helped to shape her early message that "her experience includes contributions on foreign policy issues, such as Northern Ireland and Kosovo, during her husband's administration. After Clinton's unsuccessful bid for the Democratic nomination, Sullivan joined then-Sen. Barack Obama's (D) campaign helping Obama prepare for debates, a role he had also held with the Clinton campaign.

拜登国安委员会中国事务主任格维兹

拜登政府上任之初，其核心的对华政策团队出现了一些非同寻常的名字，当中一位便是有智库学者、诗人背景的“90后”朱利安•格维兹（Julian Gewirtz）。身为白宫国家安全委员会的中国事务主任（Director for China），格维兹对于中美关系中哪些具体话题和事件最关注？又持何种观点和立场？这些观点和立场对了解他未来对华政策取向、思维方式有何帮助？

“90后”格维茨拥有牛津大学中国现代史博士学位。他从小就开始学中文，2009年高中毕业，就来到北京《财经》杂志社实习。他在后来一次采访中说，《财经》经常刊登知名经济学家关于中国改革开放的文章，激发了他此后的研究兴趣。

格维兹曾在知名外交政策智库美国外交关系协会(Council on Foreign Relations)任职，专注中国研究。

八年之后，格维兹将自己的博士论文出版为《不可能的合作伙伴：中国的改革者、西方的经济学家和全球化中国的形成》一书，对中国改革开放历史上一次重要的会议——1985年的巴山轮会议进行了浓墨重彩的描述和分析。

他于2013年从哈佛大学本科毕业，2018年获得牛津大学中国现代史博士学位。其间他曾短暂休学，担任奥巴马政府能源部副部长的国际事务特别顾问。

2020年8月，他加入外交关系委员会（CFR）任高级研究员。同期，他还在哥伦比亚大学担任“中国与世界”项目研究员和讲师。

基于LDA模型分析2020年发表的513条涉华推文（占其当年推文总数约一半），我们总结出他最关注四类话题：第一是对中国国内思想及中美关系的分析；第二是新冠疫情对中国和美国的影响；第三类是对特朗普政府对华政策的批评和相关政策建议；第四是对中国政策的批评，多与人权问题相关，包括香港、新疆和国内高科技监控问题等。

一、中美关系（涉及355条推文）
关键词：leadership（领导能力）、history（历史）、pronouncement（宣言）、financial war（金融战）、crisis（危机）等。

涉及中美关系，格维茨的分析和观点充满现实主义姿态，锋芒毕露。他习惯于从顶层视角来研判分析中美关系，非常注重中国领导人的个人风格和施政纲领。

格维兹在《外交政策》（Foreign Policy）上就新冠疫情、中国领导人及其施政思想等发表文章。

他认为，中国在贸易战和新冠疫情期间树立了对美国施政方针和未来发展看衰的信念，中国领导人较坚定认为美国正走向衰落，并且向世界展现出更自信和强硬的态度。同时，中国尽管经济规模巨大，但领导层仍然存在较强的不安全感，因为如果美国加强与中国经济的分离，或与盟国合作实施强制措施，限制中国贸易和供应链多元化的能力，对中国发展将产生严重影响。中方提出的“国内国际双循环”政策，开始挖掘内需潜力和市场优势，也是源于此想法。

同时，他认为中美之间的脱钩在当下并不可取。中美双边贸易依存度仍旧很高；截至2019年，共有156家中国公司在美国证券交易所上市，总市值超过1.2万亿美元，中国政府持有超过1.1万亿美元的美国国债。此外，有超过35万中国留学生在美国就学，许多美国大学也从中受益。因此两国合作中产生的巨大利益和影响力不应该被盲目抛弃，双方应共同应对气候变化、传染病、核武器扩散这些无法单方面解决的挑战，应在网络战争、南海争端等可以预见的灾难中，就底线和危机管理与缓解机制进行谈判。通过这些必要的合作，美国可以向中国传递明确的信号，美国并不惧怕或试图遏制一个承担世界大国责任、遵守规则的繁荣中国，但其前提条件自然是中国必须要按照美国所认可的“游戏规则”行事。

二、新冠疫情（涉及89条推文）

关键词：security（安全）、covid19（新冠肺炎）、victims（受害者）、dangerous escalation（危险升级）、instincts（本能、直觉）等。

针对新冠疫情，他认为目前中方存在自满情绪，忽视了新冠带来的巨大损失，而盲目强调目前取得的胜利。同时，他承认中方利用国内抗疫成绩，成功加强了全民爱国主义教育，提高了中国共产党的威望和中央政府的领导力。中国快速提高科技研发实力，新冠疫苗的推出有助稳定国内疫情，“疫苗外交”也使中国地缘政治影响力大幅攀升。而2020年之于中国，很大程度上可以被称作“欧洲年”，因为欧洲替代美国成为新冠时期中国更为重视的贸易伙伴。

三、对特朗普政府的批评、对未来中美政策的建议（涉及65条推文）

关键词：response（回应）、decision（决定）、post-trump strategy（后特朗普战略）、 administration（管治、政府）、future（未来）等。

针对特朗普及其政府，戈维茨不吝尖锐批评和排斥。他认为，特朗普政府盲目发动贸易战，抗击疫情不得力，令美国制度经历了相当可怕的几年，也是美国精英深刻反思和怀疑自省的几年。

他分析，由于特朗普执政时期的一系列举动，中方在去美国化思路中渐行渐远，包括一带一路倡议探索多元化的市场。中国还在寻求核心产业供应链和出口市场的“去美国化”。他认为，出于对“美国正在走向衰落”的基本判断，中国也敢于采取的所谓“更有攻击性的立场”，例如与澳大利亚、印度和菲律宾等国关系的变化，在台海事务中更加强硬主动的行动，与伊朗和俄罗斯建立新的伙伴关系，以及在新冠疫情期间的对外宣传等。

对于美国的应对之策，他认为美国首先需要控制住疫情，并实施更多惠及民众的经济政策、建立起更加独立的、更完整的供应链体系，和欧盟、加拿大等国家深度合作，在未来实质上秉承经济增长、技术进步、坚持美国作为开放社会的理想、通过本国稳定和对外威慑力抗衡中国。

四、人权问题（涉及20条推文）

关键词：analysis（分析）、surveillance（监视）、balance（平衡）、cover（掩盖）、blank spots（空白点）等。

他认为，新疆维吾尔族人的处境、香港的发展前途等问题，都是美国可以利用，批评和制衡中国的“抓手”。美国政府前一段时间对香港特区政府官员的制裁，可以看作是对这种看法的实际验证。

另外，他认为中国政府运用高科技手段对普通百姓加强监控，也是美方可以利用的机会。他认为，2018年和2019年是中国国内监控体系发展的高峰期，例如政府采购监控摄像头、预测性警务软件、智能手机取证系统，以及旨在将收集到的数据结合在一起的平台系统等。他认为，中国在“公共安全视频监控建设联网应用”方面政策，不仅是打击犯罪的手段，也是增强“社会管控”和“维稳”的重要机制。他把二维码、人脸识别等技术的“天网工程”看做是监控体系的关键。

另外，他认为中国精英阶层对区块链等新兴技术的重视也是为“中美脱钩”做的实质准备，把区块链的兴起当作可以遏制美元霸权的重要手段。因此，中方对包括阿里巴巴等巨头公司的发展非常看好，力图打造本国范围内的完整技术生态。

Biden National Security Council Director Gerwiz

When the Biden administration took office, some unusual names appeared in its core China policy team. One of them was Julian Gewirtz, a “post-90s” who has a background in think tank scholars. As the Director for China of the National Security Council of the White House, what specific topics and events in Sino-US relations are of the greatest concern to Gervez? What are their views and positions? How do these views and positions help to understand his future policy orientation and way of thinking toward China?

"Post-90s" Gerwitz holds a PhD in Modern Chinese History from Oxford University. He has been learning Chinese since he was a child. After graduating from high school in 2009, he came to Beijing’s Caijing magazine for an internship. He said in a later interview that Caijing often published articles by well-known economists on China's reform and opening up, which inspired his subsequent research interests.

Gerwiz worked at the Council on Foreign Relations, a well-known foreign policy think tank, focusing on China studies.

Eight years later, Gervez published his doctoral dissertation as "Impossible Partners: Chinese Reformers, Western Economists, and the Formation of Globalized China", which was an important one in the history of China’s reform and opening up. Conference-The Bashan Wheel Conference in 1985 gave a rich description and analysis.

He graduated from Harvard University in 2013 and received a PhD in Modern Chinese History from Oxford University in 2018. During this period, he briefly took a leave of absence to serve as the Special Adviser for International Affairs to the Deputy Secretary of Energy of the Obama Administration.

In August 2020, he joined the Committee on Foreign Relations (CFR) as a senior fellow. At the same time, he also served as a researcher and lecturer on the "China and the World" project at Columbia University.
Based on the analysis of the 513 China-related tweets published in 2020 based on the LDA model (accounting for about half of his total tweets that year), we conclude that he is most concerned about four types of topics: The first is the analysis of China's domestic thinking and Sino-US relations; The second is the impact of the new crown epidemic on China and the United States; the third is the criticism of the Trump administration’s China policy and related policy recommendations; the fourth is the criticism of China’s policy, which is mostly related to human rights issues, including Hong Kong, Xinjiang and Domestic high-tech monitoring issues, etc.

Julian Gewirtz，the Director for China, National Security Council, The White House, Washington, District of Columbia, United States. an Academy Scholar at Harvard University's Weatherhead Center for International Affairs. He is the author of Unlikely Partners: Chinese Reformers, Western Economists, and the Making of Global China (Harvard University Press, 2017) and a new book on the tumult, legacies, and historical manipulation of China's 1980s (Harvard University Press, 2021). He received his doctorate in modern Chinese history in 2018 from Oxford University, where he was a Rhodes Scholar. He has been a Lecturer in History at Harvard, a Fellow in History and Public Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School, and a Special Advisor at the U.S. Department of Energy. His research is published in the Journal of Asian Studies, Past & Present, and Foreign Affairs. He has also written on Asia for publications including The Guardian, Wall Street Journal, the Washington Post, Politico, Caijing, Caixin, and Harper’s. (Twitter: @JulianGewirtz)

Julian Baird Gewirtz has been Senior Fellow for China Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, a fellow of the Columbia-Harvard China and the World Program, an Academy Scholar at Harvard’s Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, a lecturer in history at Columbia University, and a lecturer in history at Harvard University. He is the author of Unlikely Partners: Chinese Reformers, Western Economists, and the Making of Global China (Harvard University Press, 2017), which The Economist called "a gripping read, highlighting what was little short of a revolution in China’s economic thought," and a new book on the tumult, legacies, and historical manipulation of the 1980s in China (The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, forthcoming 2022). He completed his doctorate in history in 2018 at the University of Oxford, where he was a Rhodes Scholar. From 2015 to 2016, he was on leave from Oxford and served in the Obama Administration, most recently as special advisor for international affairs to the Deputy Secretary of Energy. His research is published in the Journal of Asian Studies, Past & Present, The American Scholar, the China Leadership Monitor, and Foreign Affairs. Fluent in Mandarin Chinese, he has also written on Asia for publications including the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, the Washington Post, The Guardian, the Financial Times, Harper’s, and Foreign Policy.

Julian's poems have been published by AGNI, Boston Review, The Nation, The New Republic, PEN America, Ploughshares, and The Yale Review, and have received recognition from the Academy of American Poets and Best American Poetry. A sample of his work is here. His poetry criticism and nonfiction essays have been published by The Economist, Parnassus: Poetry in Review, the Los Angeles Review of Books, the Poetry Foundation, and the Washington Post.